Bahar Baser, Non-Resident Scholar, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP; Associate Professor in Middle East Politics, Durham University
Nicholas Danforth, Non-Resident Senior Research Fellow, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP; Senior Visiting Fellow, German Marshall Fund
Eliza Gheorghe, Non-Resident Scholar, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP; Assistant Professor, Bilkent University
Ioannis N. Grigoriadis, Senior Research Fellow, Head, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP; Associate Professor, Bilkent University
Ekrem Güzeldere, Non-Resident Senior Research Fellow, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP; Project Manager, Berghof Foundation
Dimitris Tsarouhas, Non-Resident Senior Research Fellow, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP; Associate Professor, Bilkent University
Eylem Yanardağoğlu, Non-Resident Scholar, Turkey Programme, ELIAMEP; Associate Professor, Kadir Has University
Kaya Heyse, News Coordinator, Medyascope
Project Duration: Feb 22 - Dec 22
The Turkey Programme of the Hellenic Foundation for European and Foreign Policy (ELIAMEP) is joining forces with Medyascope, one of Turkey’s leading free and independent electronic media organizations, to foster a pluralistic dialogue on key issues of Turkish domestic and foreign policy.
The ELIMED project consists of seven 75-minute webinars in the format of roundtable discussions and seven policy papers summarizing their key points. Organized by members of ELIAMEP’s Turkey Programme in collaboration with Medyascope, the ELIMED webinars and papers aim to foster a more informed and sophisticated debate in seven important areas. Topics under discussion range from the future of Turkish governance and media to the role of women in Turkey’s public life to Turkey’s evolving policy towards Asia and Eurasia.
The interdisciplinary, innovative and policy-relevant approach aspires to open new channels of collaboration among participants. The webinars and resulting papers will be disseminated through the extensive network of ELIAMEP and Medyascope. The combined distribution targets a European and global audience interested in Turkey as well as Turkey’s most dynamic population groups: its youth, early-career academics and young professionals. An interdisciplinary project, ELIMED draws on theoretical frameworks from various fields, including political science, economics, public management and sociology. The project is geared not only towards an academic audience but also towards NGOs active in Turkey, law enforcement personnel in European countries, journalists, civil servants and other practitioners of law, education and business.
Nuclear energy has increasingly featured as one of the solutions for the worsening climate crisis. Approximately 30 countries are contemplating, negotiating, or already setting up nuclear power programs, with 80% of them being developing economies. Turkey is expected to join the group of countries producing nuclear power in 2023, when the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant, supplied by Russia, will become operational. Unfortunately, the expansion of commercial nuclear power can enhance nuclear proliferation because countries can pursue atomic weapons under the guise of civilian power programs. Examples of proliferants that followed this dual path abound, triggering fears that newcomers will attempt a similar feat. This webinar explores attitudes about nuclear power and nuclear weapons in Turkey, as well as recent developments in the realms of nuclear energy and proliferation from the Persian Gulf to South Asia and their impact on Ankara’s own policies. We also examine the role of the nonproliferation regime, its effectiveness, and possible solutions for strengthening its appeal and enforcement mechanisms.
Moderated by Eliza Gheorghe; speaker: Rabia Akhtar, Francesca Giovannini, Lauren Sukin; in: YouTube, 08.11.2022 (video)more
During the first decade of the AKP’s rise to power, academic discussions of Turkish politics were dominated by what İlker Aytürk has called “the Post-Kemalist Paradigm.” For many scholars, the pathologies of Turkey’s founding ideology served to explain its subsequent failure to liberalize over the course of the next century. As a result, they hoped that dismantling military tutelage and the intellectual infrastructure of Kemalism would finally enable Turkey’s complete democratization. Yet Erdogan’s consolidation of power has forced a reconsideration of this assumption and prompted an ongoing debate about how those supporting liberal democracy today should approach Turkey’s Kemalist heritage. This discussion examines how disillusionment with the AKP is reshaping academic approaches to Turkey and what that might mean for the future of Turkish politics.
Moderated by Nicholas Danforth; speaker: İlker Aytürk, Berk Esen, Cangül Örnek, Alp Yenen; in: YouTube, 24.10.2022 (video)more
This webinar is dedicated to a discussion on youth politics and activism in Turkey. We will be hosting Professor Ayhan Kaya, Dr. Bilge Yabanci and Dr. Haydar Darici who are experts on Turkish politics with a specific focus on youth movements. We will discuss the trajectory of youth politics in Turkey under the reign of the AKP (Justice and Development Party) and examine the hurdles they are facing in “New Turkey”. What do young people expect from the future? How do they shape political processes and how are they shaped by them during the last two decades? What motivates young people to be politically active? How can we prevent youth disengagement and encourage participation? What do different political actors do to attract youth? The speakers will also address issues such as youth participation in civil society, trends in radicalisation and everyday resistance to authoritarianism.
Moderated by Bahar Baser; speaker: Ayhan Kaya, Haydar Darici, Bilge Yabanci; in: YouTube, 04.10.2022 (video)more
in: ELIAMEP, ELIMED, Policy brief #167, 28.07.2022 (online)more
Since the introduction of the presidential system in 2018 and the necessity to reach 50%+x votes to win the presidential elections, party politics in Turkey have come to be performed in alliances. While the governing party AKP has joined forces with the MHP (Cumhur or People’s Alliance), six opposition parties have come together in the so-called Millet (National) Alliance. These include the Kemalist CHP, the secular-nationalist Iyi (Good) Party, the AKP-splinters Deva and Gelecek, the main representative of traditional political Islam Saadet and the centre-right Demokrat Party. This shows that the Millet Alliance is not ideological, but has agreed to return to a parliamentary system and defend certain political values such as the rule of law, democratic standards, the independence of the judiciary and human rights. Since the Millet alliance parties represent a broad spectrum of political currents, this could help to overcome the increasing polarization and lead to more inclusive policies. However, is it credible that these parties will really defend democratic values, for which none of them was known in the past? Are voters in Turkey, who are currently mainly concerned about the economy, rising costs of living, inflation and a devaluation of the Turkish Lira, really interested in the independence of the judiciary or freedom of expression? What has the Millet Alliance to say about the economic situation and other daily concerns? Whereas the Kurdish votes were decisive in the 2019 municipal elections where a joint opposition could win in major cities like Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Mersin or Adana, the representative of the Kurdish political movement, the HDP, is not part of the alliance. What can the Kurds expect from the Millet Alliance? The phenomenon whereby opposition parties are joining forces with a pro-democracy attitude in elections against authoritarian leaders can be observed globally. From Poland to Hungary to Brazil. We will therefore also look at the Hungarian case and what lessons the Turkish opposition could learn from the Hungarian experience.
Moderated by Ekrem Eddy Güzeldere; speaker: Özgür Mumcu Aybars, Osman Sert, Sezin Öney; in: YouTube, 27.07.2022 (video)more
in: ELIAMEP, ELIMED, Policy brief #166, 23.06.2022 (online)more
Despite having gained the right to universal suffrage as early as 1934, Turkish women are nevertheless experiencing discrimination effects in their full and active participation in civic life. This is especially pronounced in the labour market. With a female employment rate of 34% in 2019, Turkey has yet to tap into the huge economic and social potential that its ever more educated female population can offer. What is more, the COVID—19 pandemic has been especially challenging for women in Turkey, since women have disproportionately retired from the labour force after the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic. At the same time, and as part of international and regional obligations, Turkey is committed to address gender disparities and improve the well-being of more than half of its population. The recent decision by state authorities to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention has generated controversy inside the country and outside it, not least due to a number of high-profile cases pertaining to abuse and killing of innocent women. Drawing on the expertise and real-life experience of experts and activists on the ground, this broadcast will shed light on the current status of women in Turkey’s public life.
Moderated by Dimitris Tsarouhas; speaker: Nilgün Arisan Eralp, Dr. Leyla Şen, Dr. Alice Evans; in: YouTube, 20.06.2022 (video)more
in: ELIAMEP, ELIMED, Policy brief #165, 06.06.2022 (online)more
There have been both popular and academic efforts to explain the authoritarian turn in Turkey under the AKP administration. The analyses usually separate economic and political factors and focus on a periodization that reflects various terms of AKP in power. The first phase is 2003-2007 (some date to 2010), where AKP is positioned as a democratic party intent on reinforcing EU candidacy. The second term starts from 2011, but especially from 2013 onwards when AKP is increasingly seen as using coercion rather than consent to enforce its policies. This webinar aims to explore how democratic backsliding has been reflected on Turkey’s media sector during the different phases of the AKP administration. It will explore the state of print, electronic and social media, freedom of expression and the main challenges that free media are nowadays facing in Turkey. In the wake of heightened concerns about democratic backsliding in Turkey and a tendency for competitive authoritarianism, there is renewed interest in analysing the transformation of Turkey’s media system, mainly focusing on an analysis of conventional media. In 2016, a new law enabled the government to suspend or block internet access in case of war or national emergency (Freedom House, 2016). Following the acquisition of major mainstream media conglomerate Doğan Media Group by pro-government Demirören Holding in 2018, almost 90 per cent of all media outlets are owned by pro-government businessmen at the time of writing. Turkey was the worst jailer in that year of professional journalists and persecution of civil society, academia, politicians and citizens—and ranked 159 in the 2019 World Press Freedom Index. This webinar aims to consider the changes in the country’s media structure since the rise of the AKP to power also by taking into account a previously neglected facet—new media—because it remains to be seen how communicative spaces are being affected by its development. It aims to track the transformation of the media system in all its aspects (mainstream, minority, alternative, native digital) in the last two decades through the trajectories of normative, communicative, participative and entrepreneurial citizenship practices.
Moderated by Eylem Yanardağoğlu; speaker: Bilge Yeşil, Işın Eliçin, Marius Dragoumir; in: YouTube, 19.04.2022 (video)more
in: ELIAMEP, ELIMED, Policy brief #161, 07.04.2022 (online)more
Displaying results 1 to 10 out of 11